The Plight of Andualem Aragie and Other Political Prisoners in Ethiopia
The “Gulag” prison system in the old Soviet Union was infamous for warehousing and persecuting dissidents and opponetns. The gulags were used effectively to weed out and neutralize opposition to the Soviet state. They were the quintessential tools of Soviet state terrorism. Some called them “meat-grinders” because of the extremely harsh and inhumane conditions. Torture, physical abuse by prison guards, solitary confinement, inadequate food rations and officially instigated inmate-on-inmate violence were the hallmarks of the gulags.
Ethiopia’s prison system today are reminiscent of the Soviet gulags in their abuse and mistreatment of political and other prisoners. Let the facts speak for themselves: In a recent column on two Swedish journalists arbitrarily held in one of the Ethiopian prisons near the capital, N.Y. Times’ columnist Nicholas Kristoff described the prsion conditions as
filthy and overridden with lice, fleas and huge rats… a violent, disease-ridden place, with inmates fighting and coughing blood… 250 or so Ethiopian prisoners jammed in the cell protect the two [Swedish] journalists, pray for them and jokingly call their bed ‘the Swedish embassy’.
The U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Ethiopia (April 2011) documented:
…Human rights abuses reported during the year included unlawful killings, torture, beating, and abuse and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, especially special police and local militias, which took aggressive or violent action with evident impunity in numerous instances; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention… Numerous reliable sources confirmed in April 2009 that in Maekelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators often used physical abuse to extract confessions.
In its 2010 World Report-Ethiopia, Human Rights Watch (HRW) concluded that
… torture and ill-treatment have been used by Ethiopia’s police, military, and other members of the security forces to punish a spectrum of perceived dissenters, including university students, members of the political opposition, and alleged supporters of insurgent groups… Secret detention facilities and military barracks are most often used by Ethiopian security forces for such activities.
The U.N. Committee Against Torture (November 2010) validated HRW’s conclusions.
The Dewar Report on an Ethiopian Gulag
The regular and secret prisons maintained by the ruling regime in Ethiopia today are among the most inhumane, primitive, barbaric and sadistic in the world. In July 2008, the regime of dictator Meles Zenawi secretly commissioned retired British colonel Michael Dewars, an internationally recognized security expert, to undertake an assessment of the prison system and make recommendations. In his report, Col. Dewars expressed total horror and shock over what he witnessed in one of the prisons he visited in Addis Ababa. He recounted:
I asked to go into the compound where the prisoners are kept. This consisted of a long yard with a shed to one side which provided some sort of shelter. The compound had a wall around it and a watchtower for an armed sentry overlooking it. Inside must have been 70 – 80 inmates, all in a filthy state. There was insufficient room for all these people to lie down on a mat at once. There was no lighting. The place stank of faeces and urine. There appeared to be no water or sanitation facilities within the compound. There was a small hut in an adjacent compound for women prisoners but there had been no attempt by anybody to improve the circumstances of the place. The prisoners were mostly on remand for minor crimes, in particular theft. Some had been there for months….
Col. Dewars concluded:
Detention conditions of prisoners are a disgrace and make the Federal Police vulnerable to the Human Rights lobby…. The prison I saw was a disgrace. No one is recommending a Hilton Hotel, but, if any human rights organization were to get inside an Ethiopian jail, they would have enough ammunition to sink all our best efforts.
Col. Dewars
recommended that the Government should investigate this situation with the intention of improving the current appalling conditions inside Ethiopian prisons, which must brutalise prisoners and their goalers equally… and that senior Ethiopian Ministers and Police Officers visit the prison that I visited.
Over the past several years, I have written extensively on torture and mistreatment of political prisoners in Ethiopia. In my numerous columns on the incarceration of former judge Birtukan Midekssa, the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history, and other political prisoners, I have pointed out the “soft torture” techniques used to crush her spirit and break her body. She was subjected to prolonged solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, visitation deprivation, daily humiliation and mindless interrogation. Birtukan faced untold suffering in prison. Zenawi could not bear the thought of Birtukan going free; and in a moment frustrated defiance declared: “There will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That’s a dead issue.” In the end she prevailed and became free. Just last week in Washington, D.C., she presented her study on the challenges confronting the Ethiopian opposition and offered specific recommendations for strengthening multi-party democracy in Ethiopia as a Reagan-Fascell Fellow with the National Endowment for Democracy.
Andualem Aragie Inside the Belly of the Beast
Zenawi has replaced Birtukan by another young Ethiopian leader, to be sure several dozens of young opposition leaders, journalists, activists and others. Last week, the former Ethiopian President and current leader of the Unity and Democracy Party (UDJ) Dr. Negasso Gidada reported that Andualem Aragie was severely beaten by a death-row-inmate-turned-lifer while confined in his cell. The facts of Andualem’s abuse are shocking. According to Dr. Negasso, Andualem was held in a “windowless cell for 14 people with a number of other political prisoners including Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa and Tilahun Fantahun.” About a month ago, a convicted murderer whose life sentence had been commuted to life in prison was allowed to join Andualem’s cell. This criminal savagely assaulted Andualem inflicting severe injuries to his head. He was reported to lost consciousness following the assault.The Voice of America reported that “Relatives who have seen Andualem say his head injury appears to have affected his ability to maintain his balance.”
This inmate is notorious for his assaultive behavior inside the prison. He has a long record of violence and abuse of inmates. He is known to receive special accommodations for being a prison enforcer for the authorities. Rumors are rife that prison authorities paid the criminal a substantial sum for beating Andiualem.
Prior to his arrest on bogus terrorism charges, Andualem was a rising leader in the UDJ and served as its spokesperson and external relations officer. Andualem is among a new breed of young Ethiopian political leaders, journalists and civil society advocates who are widely respected and accepted. In the months leading up to the May 2010 “election” in which Zenawi claimed a 99.6 percent victory, Andualem demonstrated his unflinching commitment to democracy and the rule of law. With breathtaking clarity of thought, razor-sharp intellect, incredible courage, mesmerizing eloquence, piercing logic, stinging wit, masterful command of the facts and steadfast adherence to the truth, Andualem made mincemeat out of Zenawi’s vacuous lackeys in several televised pre-“election” debates. It was a sight to behold.
In September 2011, Andualem and 23 other individuals were “accused under the anti-terrorism law of being members of a terrorist network and abetting, aiding and supporting a terrorist group.” Earlier this month, a group of independent United Nations human rights experts (U.N. Special Rapporteurs) condemned the so-called anti-terrorism law and diplomatically cautioned that “the anti-terrorism provisions should not be abused and need to be clearly defined in Ethiopian criminal law to ensure that they do not go counter to internationally guaranteed human rights.” Andualem and the others are expected to have their day in kangaroo court on March 5.
Torture, Abuse and Plausible Deniability
Plausible deniability is the ability to deny a fact or allegation, or previous knowledge of a fact by shifting blame on someone else. In Andualem’s case, plausible deniability allows Zenawi’s regime to deny any awareness or knowledge of a criminal or criminally negligent act by its officials or unofficial agents in the prison. By allowing a notoriously violent criminal to assault Andualem, they aim to plausibly avoid responsibility. In other words, they have sought to remove their fingerprints, handprints, palmprints and footprints from the cowardly criminal act perpetrated on Andualem. But their MO (modus operandi) is well known. Whether they acted through their goons uniformed as prison guards or their deputized convicted thugs, they are exclusively responsible for the safety of all pretrial detainees like Andualem. Regardless of how one looks at it, what happened to Andualem, and has happened to other political prisoners countless times, represents a clear case of extrajudicial punishment (torture) in violation of Ethiopia’s Constitution and international human rights conventions.
Speaking of Constitutional and International Law…
The Ethiopian Constitution provides specific safeguards for the safety and protection of pre-trial detainees awaiting trial. Article 16 guarantees that “Everyone has the right to protection against bodily harm..” Andualem has the constitutional right to be secure from violence while awaiting trial. Article 110 of the Ethiopian Criminal Code (Proclamation No.414/2004) specifically requires that “prisoners who are sentenced to rigorous imprisonment or special confinement shall be kept separate from prisoners who are serving a sentence of simple imprisonment or awaiting judgment.” The criminal thug who assaulted Andualem should have never been allowed in the area reserved for pre-trial detanees. Article 18 provides, “Everyone has the right to protection against cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” The savage beating of Andualem in plain sight of prison guards constitutes “cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”. Article 20 provides that, “During proceedings accused persons have the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law…” Since Andualem has not been found guilty “according to law”, he is innocent of the charges and should have been accorded his rights consistent with that presumption. Article 21 guarantees that “All persons held in custody and persons imprisoned upon conviction and sentencing have the right to treatments respecting their human dignity.”
International law protects all prisoners, and particularly political prisoners, from inhumane and barbaric treatment. Under Article 13 of the Ethiopian Constitution, the “fundamental rights and freedoms enumerated… shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [UDHR], international human rights covenants and conventions ratified by Ethiopia.” Article 5 of the UDHR (incorporated by express reference in Art. 13 (2) of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia) prescribes that “no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” Article 10 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (ratified by Ethiopia on June 11, 1993 and similarly incorporated) provides that “all persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.”
The U.N. Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment (1988) (Principle
specifically provides: “Persons in detention shall be subject to treatment appropriate to their unconvicted status. Accordingly, they shall, whenever possible, be kept separate from imprisoned persons.” Article 1 of the Declaration Against Torture (1975) defines torture as “… any act by which severe pain and suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted by, or at the instigation of a public official on a person for such purposes as …punishing him for an act he has committed; or intimidating him or other persons…” Article 16 of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (acceded to by Ethiopia on April 13, 1994) mandates that signatories “shall undertake to prevent… acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment…” Article 5 of the African [Banjul] Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ratified by Ethiopia on June 15, 1998) prohibits, “all forms of exploitation and degradation of man particularly… torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment and treatment.” The U.N. Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners (1990) provide that “all prisoners shall retain the human rights and fundamental freedoms set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other Covenants. Articles 7 and 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court include torture as a crime against humanity and a war crime.
I write about the law on the protection of the rights of political prisoners to set the record; for I know that preaching the law to outlaws is like pouring water over granite.
Free those who are wrongly imprisoned…
In August 2009, I spoke at a town hall meeting organized by “Gasha for Ethiopia”, a civic organization, on the importance of remembering Ethiopian political prisoners:
In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends,” said Dr. Martin Luther King… Nothing is more important and uplifting to political prisoners than knowledge of the fact that they are not forgotten, abandoned and forsaken by the outside world. Remembrance gatherings at town hall meetings such as this one serve to remind all of us who live in freedom the divine blessings of liberty and the unimaginable suffering of those trapped in the darkness of dictatorship.
Andualem Aragie and countless political prisoners in Ethiopia reamin trapped in the darkness of dictatorship. They have been beaten down and brought to their knees. We cannot hear their whimpers of pain and desperation. Few, other than their tormentors, will be able to see their mangled bodies. Because they have no voice, we must be their voices and speak on their behalf. Because they are walled in behind filthy and subhuman prison institutions, we must unflaggingly remind the world of their suffering. We must all labor for the cause of Ethiopian political prisoners not because it is easy or fashionable, but because it is ethical, honorable, right and just. In the end, what will make the difference for the future of Ethiopia is not the brutality, barbarity, bestiality and inhumanity of its corrupt dictators, but the humanity, dignity, adaptability, audacity, empathy and compassion of decent Ethiopians for their wrongfully imprisoned compatriots. That is why we must join hands and work tirelessly to free all political prisoners held in Ethiopia’s public and secret gulags. “Let the oppressed go free, and remove the chains that bind people.”
Uncage Andualem Aragie and All Political Prisoners in Ethiopia!
Previous commentaries by the author are available at: www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
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In my previous article entitled ‘’The Ethio-Norway Forced Repatriation Agreement in Retrospect’’ published on 13 February 2012 on different websites, I presented the background and the events which led to the signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). In this article the events after the announcement and the prospects afterwards with focus on the plights of the stakeholders (the rejected asylum seekers from Ethiopia who have been living in Norway for many years, from 3-20 years) are presented as follows:
The Norwegian Immigration Directorate (UDI) and The Norwegian Ministry of Justice issued a press statement on their respective homepage on 26 January 2012 about the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Royal Government of Norway and the ‘’Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia’’. The MoU was signed with immediate effect in Addis Ababa on the same date, i.e. 26 January 2012.
The next day on 27 January 2012 the two above mentioned government offices jointly called for an information meeting to be held on 27 January 2012 at 15:00 hrs. at the immigration directorate’s head office in Oslo via e-mail messages intended to reach the Ethiopian diaspora in Oslo. As a deputy chairman of the Ethiopian Community in Norway, I happened to receive the e-mail that apologizes if UDI has sent the message outside the target group and requested to forward it to other acquaintances who may be interested in it.
The Ethiopian opposition camp having partly attended in bewilderment the information meeting, unanimously decided to walk out of the meeting hall in protest of the signed forced repatriation agreement with one of the world’s worst dictatorial regime. During the brief moment of the information meeting, I had also the chance to express my view about the repatriation agreement. After having introduced myself as the deputy chairman of the Ethiopian Community in Norway and an active member of the Ethiopian Common Forum in Norway, I went on to share the audience my concern about the plight of the rejected asylum seekers from Ethiopia who have been politically active for years with the opposition and the fact that they have been under surveillance by pro-regime operatives in Norway would automatically put their lives in danger. I delivered two CDs to the representatives from the justice department.The CDs contain the activities of the pro-government operatives in Norway in a meeting they held in Oslo in connection with the dictator’s visit for the energy conference held in Oslo in October 2011.
Though the envisaged information meeting failed to attract the good will of the Ethiopian diaspora in Oslo, the government anyway continued with the implementation of the first phase of the MoU by distributing an information letter to all asylum seekers from Ethiopia in their respective localities urging them to contact the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to proceed with the offered package for voluntary return.
It is a very well known fact that the Norwegian government has been longing for two decades to achieve the possibility of returning by force rejected Ethiopian asylum seekers to Ethiopia. In what the Norwegian authorities call ‘’assisted voluntary return’’, they have offered a window of opportunity that lasts up to March 15, 2012. The mind boggling question is what then after the set deadline?
What is special and unique about this group of people is that they have been living in Norway for many years, many of them established families and worked legally paying taxes until last year (January 2011) where the government shutdown the mechanisms for working possibilities. Many of these rejected asylum seekers have been politically active both at the leadership and grass roots level thanks to the conducive environment in Norway and the presence of actively functioning diaspora political organizations in Norway.
The objective reality in the present day Ethiopia; however, is an atmosphere of fear and hopelessness for peoples of differing political views than the ruling minority government of the TPLF. What await these people if returned by force are all forms of inhuman treatment including arbitrary detention, torture and in the worst case scenario murder as there are well-documented evidences compiled by the regime’s informants who are active in Norway. The information the informants collect are processed and stored for life by the regime’s National Security and Intelligence Services (NISS) labeling them as enemies of the regime. Such information are particularly very useful at times of crisis as is witnessed after the 2005 national election result controversies where tens of thousands of opposition activists and supporters were picked from their homes and received all sorts of punishments.
The two links below offer a brief account of the infamous Ethiopian National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) by Ethiopia expert, German national Mr. Gunther Shroder which was presented on April 5, 2011 in Oslo conference.
1) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ur-4hm0MnGE&feature=player_embedded
2) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sIqFRa_BeTo&feature=related
The dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi is well known for its gross human rights violations and repressions of citizens. Independent international institutions such as Amnesty International (AI), Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the United States Department of State have documented and confirmed the gross human rights violations the regime commits against citizens in Ethiopia
The Norwegian Organization for Asylum Seekers (NOAS) is one of the first who strongly reacted and denounced the signed forced repatriation agreement on a press release posted on its own homepage. Also NOAS’s general secretary, Mrs. Ann-Magritt Austenå, in her commentary on one of the biggest newspapers in Norway (Dagsavisen) notwithstanding generally the very essence of returning rejected asylum seekers to their country of origin, warned against the dangers and consequences of experimenting with authoritarian regimes like the one in Ethiopia.
NOAS together with other Norwegian organizations are trying one last desperate attempt doing all they can to the best of their capacity to help reorganize the asylum seekers’ supportive documents for review of their cases by the aliens appeal board (UNE).
On the other hand, as the 15th of March 2012 deadline approaches, the Task Force against Forced Repatriation and the Association of Ethiopian Asylum Seekers in Norway are intensifying their all rounded and multi-faceted campaigns with the objective of bringing their concerns and anxiety to the attention of the Norwegian public and government in particular and the world community in general.
This is really a trying moment for the rejected asylum seekers who have been critical opponents of the Meles regime for years and who have no other option than facing what is going to happen after the 15th of Mach 2012.
This is a moment which the Ethiopian Diaspora all over the world needs to give a special attention and due response.
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Prelude
On January 26, 2012 the state secretary in the Norwegian Ministry of Justice, Pål K. Lønseth appearing on TV channels announced with great sigh of relief the coming to an end of 20 years of negotiations ordeal with the dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi to repatriate the rejected Ethiopian asylum seekers. According to the official press release of both the Ministry of Justice and the Directorate of Immigration (UDI), the signed agreement carries with it the threat of forced repatriation of about 400 rejected asylum seekers to the regime in Ethiopia.
The news of the signing of the agreement; however, has shocked and saddened in disbelief the Ethiopian Community in Norway in general and the stakeholders in particular (the rejected asylum seekers who have been leading a life full of uncertainty and hopelessness for many years). Most of these rejected asylum seekers were working legally for many years paying taxes to the Norwegian Government, established families, well integrated themselves with the Norwegian society and most important of all, they have been politically active in the matters of their country of origin, Ethiopia, with the Ethiopian opposition organizations in Norway.
The repatriation agreement in retrospect
The talk about forced repatriation agreement was surfaced for the first time on media some seven years ago in 2005 by the then Communal and Regional Minister, Mrs. Erna Solberg and the minister (Mrs. Erna Solberg) announced that the government of Norway has finalized repatriation agreement with the dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi.
Given Norway’s track record as a leading democratic state among the western nations that promotes the realization and respect of basic human right principles and rules of law throughout the world including Ethiopia, no one anticipated that Norway would be serious about negotiating and reaching agreements with the world’s worst repressive regime of Meles Zenawi.
Meles Zenawi was the leader of the Tigrean People Liberation Front (TPLF) during the cold war era of the 1970’s and 1980’s and took power by force and controlled Ethiopia with iron fist without interruption since 1991 with the approval and blessings of the victors of the cold war era United States and United Kingdom in a negotiation meeting held in London in 1991 which was presided over by US Ambassador Mr. Herman Cohen.
With the above mentioned background of the Meles regime which is also well known to the authorities and government of Norway, the government went ahead with the experimenting of deportation of some rejected asylum seekers and the attempted experiment was met with strong reactions from the Ethiopian Community and Ethiopian political support organizations operating in Norway reversing the implementation of the forced deportation.
Given the seriousness of the situation signaled by the futile attempt to deport Ethiopian Asylum seekers, the Ethiopian Community in Norway called for a meeting to all Ethiopians in Norway and established in 2005 the Ethiopian Asylum Seekers Association to engage a lawyer which would assist the association in bringing the matter before the Norwegian courts. The process of engagement was slowed down due to confirmations from the Communal and regional department to the association dated 22 December 2005 that Norwegian authorities have not made a repatriation agreement with Ethiopian authorities.
The Norwegian and the dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi’s diplomatic relationship faced a serious setback after the dictator’s visit in Oslo in September, 2005 to receive a prize from a private fertilizer producing company called Yara. The then government of Norway led by Mr. Kjell Magne Bondevik courageously distanced itself from officially receiving the dictator and oppressor as a head of state due to the fact that Ethiopian in Norway had staged a huge campaign against the Yara prize award and also staged a grand protest demonstration accusing the dictator for bloodshed committed in his command and watch against innocent election fraud protesters following the 2005 parliamentary election. In June and November, 2005 around 200 innocent civilian protesters were massacred in Addis Ababa on a broad day light by the TPLF’s Special Forces called the Agazis.
Following the humiliation, the Meles regime forged a hostile move against the government of Norway culminating it in 2007 with a diplomatic break down between the two. The Meles regime accused Norway of helping terrorism in East Africa. As a consequence of this false allegation and Norway’s maltreatment by the Meles regime, the crisis got a huge media attention in Norway and lead a public resentment blaming for the failure of the first (2005-2009) Stoltenberg’s coalition government in handling with caution the delicate and often shrewd government of the TPLF regime of Meles Zenawi.
Since then the first (2005-2009) and second (2009 – to date) Jens Stoltenberg coalition government took a serious of conciliatory measures to win the trust of the dictator and thereby stop the latter’s hostile propaganda against the good reputation of Norway as a peace negotiator (as in Israeli-Palestinian and the Tamils-Sri Lanka’s government conflict cases) and peace prize rewarding state (via its Nobel Peace Prize Institution).
The following are among the series of reconciliatory moves made by Norway:
It was after this historic resolute of the opposition in Norway in exposing the true face and nature of the oppressor and the dictator, Meles Zenawi to the Norwegian public and the international community that sparked the signing of the repatriation agreement to revenge the Ethiopian Asylum Seekers who both at the leadership and grass roots level were instrumental for the successful accomplishment of the October 9 &10, 2011 anti-Meles protest demonstrations.
By Samson Seifu
Oslo, 12 February 2012
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ANALYSIS
Daily Maverick’s The AU Summit: A rare ring of truth by Kevin Bloom lauds Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi as being unique in speaking “trenchant truth” at an AU gathering in the 49 years since its establishment (initially the OAU). Taking exception to this interpretation, JANICE WINTER exposes where the truth lies.
The speech in question was made at the inauguration of the new AU headquarters funded by China, where Meles Zenawi talked of an African renaissance underway, characterised by economic surges, social progress, improved governance, diminishing violence, the banishment of the one-party systems and the ability of Africans to make choices about their lives and societies.
The ‘evidence’ Bloom cites for the veracity of Zenawi’s promises of African growth and development: the cranes he sees scattering Addis Ababa’s skyline, impressive buildings alongside the city’s informal settlements, and touted plans for an impressive transit system. These anecdotal observations are unfortunately not trustworthy snapshots of the health of the economy of the capital city, or Ethiopia more broadly.
The cliché about how looks can deceive is particularly germane in informationally closed authoritarian societies.
So, if not evidence of Ethiopia’s economic health, what else could such urban development indicate? Practically, that Zenawi’s regime has borrowed and printed a lot of money — and the evidence for this truth is Ethiopia’s runaway inflation rate that rose above 40% in 2011, with food inflation peaking above 50% and the ratio of debt to exports reaching above 130%. The regime recently imposed extensive price controls that caused severe shortages in various food items and left long queues of people waiting to buy cooking oil and sugar, redolent of the days of Mengistu Hailemariam’s dictatorship. The country is also beset by a series of currency devaluations, acute shortages in foreign currency reserve and a widening trade deficit. This is patently unsustainable, as leading economists have repeatedly warned. Ethiopia is a macroeconomic disaster, despite Zenawi’s unwarranted image as economist king. Yet despite the economy’s vulnerability, this runaway borrowing and spending has secured him political stability, at least in the short term, by providing a means with which to buy the loyalty of military leaders and co-opt members of the urban elite.
Zenawi spoke of Africa’s access to new centres of finance, which have indeed brought significant investment in infrastructure and development, and celebrated the continent’s declining dependence on the West.
However, while such investment might bolster the incumbent regime in their ‘struggle for survival’, Global Financial Integrity explains that as a result of corruption by the ruling elite, “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.” A bit of conversation with locals and a few minutes spent googling would give any interested journalist numerous appalling anecdotes about the generals, members of the ruling party and party-affiliated, rent-seeking companies that own the lion’s share of Addis Ababa’s glittering buildings. While not all of the stories and studies can be assumed trustworthy, they surely provide substantial food for scepticism.
Zenawi has forecast a staggering 14.9% average economic growth rate between 2010 and 2015 and claims to have achieved “double digit” growth over the last seven years despite a global economic recession. There is credible scepticism of these figures by some international economists and substantial discrepancies in conclusions about the country’s performance and progress toward the MDGs. No independent institutions in Ethiopia exist to check the veracity of his government’s figures.
What confounds me is why the international community continues to accept Zenawi’s claims about the regime’s economic record, while taking for granted that he has lied repeatedly on human rights issues and consequently rejecting his official line on Ethiopia’s human rights record. That his statements on human rights, democracy, foreign threats, opposition groups, journalists and a host of other topics and issues are manifestly and consistently false should indicate that other information taken from the same source also has a high likelihood of being untrue.
But even if we choose to take his contentious economic figures at face value, does it suggest that his brutal authoritarian capitalism constitutes a model to be condoned, endorsed or even celebrated within Africa for its remarkable economic results? Do we really agree to overlook repressive prisons if they’re built along with impressive new road networks? Bloom understandably found it “kind of hard” to forget the AU memorial that has been erected to honour victims of human rights violations in Africa, considering that the AU’s current chair is a despotic dictator responsible for widespread human rights violations in Equatorial Guinea. Yet despite the monument being erected in Ethiopia’s capital, the article made no mention of the pattern of arrests, torture, rapes, forced removals and political manipulation of development aid that characterises Zenawi’s abysmal human rights record.
In fact, the one rare ring of truth in Zenawi’s speech was his opening line, which celebrated that the new AU headquarters “is built on the ruins of the oldest maximum security prison” known by Ethiopians as Alem Bekagn, which, loosely translated, means, “I have given up on this world, on this life”.
Intended as a metaphor for a world that had given up on Africa, those familiar with Ethiopian current affairs would note the analogy’s ironic aptness: the AU event took place in Addis Ababa at the same time that two Ethiopian journalists each received 14 years imprisonment, an exiled journalist received his second life sentence in absentia, while the world was talking about two Swedish investigative journalists condemned to serve 11-year prison sentences in Ethiopia, and as journalist and dissident Eskinder Nega faces the death penalty.
More than 114 journalists and opposition members have been imprisoned (some of whom may face the death penalty) in the past 11 months, in an environment that Amnesty International describes as “the most far-reaching crackdown on freedom of expression seen in many years in Ethiopia”. Even the UN — usually cautious of condemning its member states — has criticised this recent escalation of repression.
Where are these political prisoners being held? In Alem Bekagn’s replacement, the infamous Qaliti Prison, located just two miles from its predecessor and the new AU headquarters and thus effectively hidden from the view of most visitors. All that’s really changed is a strategic shift in its position, and not the experience within its walls. The same could be said of Meles Zenawi’s dictatorship, which, while less overt to outsiders than that of his predecessor, is largely the same in substance.
In short, his statement that “out of the decades of hopelessness and imprisonment, a new era of hope is dawning and that Africa is being unshackled and freed” is far from true in the context of Zenawi’s tyrannical leadership.
In fact, a striking parallel can be made between Zenawi’s Ethiopia and Mubarak’s Egypt. EPRDF, like Mubarak’s NDP, has a crushing dominance of the country’s political scene, using a mixture of co-option, manipulation, electoral fraud and repression. In 2010, the party declared that it won 99.6% of the country’s parliamentary seats, which was down from the even more ludicrous 99.9% sweep in local elections in 2008. Such Soviet-style electoral statistics would embarrass even some of the nastiest dictators in the world. Since 2007, the party has recruited 7-million members, nearly 10% of the population — a figure that trumps what the Communist Party of China accomplished in its entire existence. Some of these members are students and college graduates who have no opportunity to get government jobs (accounting for the overwhelming majority of urban employment) or to receive micro financing services without party membership. As in Mubarak’s Egypt, Ethiopia’s economy is controlled by very few people who have links with the army, the ruling party or Meles Zenawi’s family. Another similarity is the use of anti-terrorism laws and extensive torture to silence all forms of political dissent.
Indeed, in an article entitled What’s He Got to Hide? published in the New York Times (coincidentally, also last Sunday), Nicholas Kristof describes Zenawi’s “increasingly tyrannical” rule and condemns the dictator’s attempts to prevent public scrutiny of his “worsening pattern of brutality” by silencing those who seek to tell the truth.
Thus it is surprising to me that a publication whose open endorsement of liberal values such as freedom of expression, civil liberties and economic rights is as central to its identity, as is the case with the Daily Maverick, would run an article that celebrates a dictator’s dubious words as truth and that fails to include even a single caveat about his long record of lies. As you tell readers that “we expect you to call us out when we screw up”, this riposte is one reader’s attempt to do so.
It seems to me that Bloom has not done the research needed to do basic justice to this story. Kristof’s column could be a good place to start: he concludes that “the only proper response” by journalists “is a careful look at Meles’ worsening repression”. I agree.
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Mr. Prime Minister,
[caption id="attachment_12707" align="alignleft" width="150" caption="An Open letter to Meles from Prof.Robele Ababya"]
[/caption]
This letter is prompted by your short speech at the inauguration of the new African Union Headquarters built by the government of China at a cost of 200 million US$ as a ‘gift’ to Africa.
In that speech you said “China, its amazing re-emergence and its commitment to win partnership is one of the reasons for the beginning of the African renaissance,” adding “Over the past decades, China-Africa cooperation has gone from strength to strength. The future prospects of our partnership are even brighter.”
I would yes your ‘partnership’ with China is serving you well in blocking freedom of access to information from independent external sources. Communist China and your regime have a stake in denying media freedom to their citizens; respect for human rights is irrelevant!
Jomo Kenyatta once said something like this: European missionaries came with their Bibles in their hand to preach the word of God and while Africans were gazing towards the sky for mercy, the ‘holy men’ surveyed the land for the purpose of colonizing. I would like to add that the shrewd Chinese traders would do no less than the former colonial masters to protect their US$ 150 billion investment on the African continent. So, Mr. Prime Minister, the warm relation with China of which you spoke in adoration could prove detrimental to the healthy development of democracy in the third world. Go no further than the recent veto by China and Russia to stop UN resolution calling Bashar Assad to step aside in order to end the carnage being meted out by his armed forces to civilians demanding dignity and freedom.
It is high time, Mr. Zenawi, that you desist from brain washing our children and stop acting like a hired salesman of the resurgence of China for the benefit of Africa. As it were birds of the same feather go together and so no wonder that China was embellished with accolade in your short speech.
Mr. Prime Minister,
The founding fathers of African Unity including Emperor Haile Selassie and Dr. Kwame Nkrumah would not have accepted the Chinese ‘gift’. They would have rather advocated for contribution from member states to build the Headquarters at the right time when the goal for unity is clearly within sight. For now AU is a very distant dream as long as its leaders are mere puppets.
In that speech you also said that the building stood on a plot on which the infamous and oldest former prison known as “Alem Bekagn” (enough of the world for me) once stood. You certainly meant to denigrate former Ethiopian regimes accusing them for letting prisoners rot in hell.
I should point out to you that all the dignitaries listening to your speech pretty well know that maximum security prisons no less infamous than Alem Bekagn exist in their own countries symbolizing the deficit in human civilization. They (diplomats and dignitaries} also know about the infamous filthy and congested Qaliti dungeon built by the TPLF regime is located a few kilometers away, to the south of the new AU Headquarters; there political prisoners are tortured mentally and physically like in the most inhumane atrocity to which the icon judge Birtukan Midekssa was subjected. Are you not ashamed of your infantile attempt in trying to underestimate the intelligence of diplomats and dignitaries in the Hall?
The former and only prison house in Addis Ababa was always officially referred to as “Wehnie Beit”. Alem Bekagn was coined and popularly used by ordinary citizens to underline that it was a prison house among others for criminals sentenced to life imprisonment or death by the judges in the high court. The people meant it was wrong to do crimes.
Perhaps I should remind you at this juncture that Ethiopia is one of the first, if not the first, civilized countries in the world to develop systems of laws by which to govern the country. Europeans were barbarians but have now reached a level of enviable civilization where no one goes to jail for his/her political views or activity.
So, I would characterize your speech as a cheap shot by a tyrant whose heinous crimes including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and betrayal of vital national interests is unprecedented in the history of Ethiopia. Your speech was simply another manifestation of your hatred for Ethiopia. I wonder what political capital you have made out of your inordinate tarnishing of the image of Ethiopia at every opportunity. Given that you are on the final unholy act of selling or ceding historically and rightly priceless Ethiopian lands at cheap price, you have no legitimacy or moral authority to blame past regimes at all; you have lost the trust of the Ethiopian people.
Mr. Prime Minister,
You are an illegitimate ruler of Ethiopia who took power by the barrel of the gun; your agazi force, bolstered by tanks clearly marked “Libya” invaded Addis Ababa (Shagar) walking over the corpse of the children of peasants strewn across its path socked with the blood of the dead heroes defending their country, Ethiopia.
It is well documented in the public domain, that your regime had stolen every election in the last 20 years of your misrule. The memory of 2005 and 2010 elections is in particular unforgettable, the former for the overwhelmingly convincing and humiliating defeat of your party at the polls; the latter case, the 99.6% ‘win’ was a grand lie too big to hide thus putting to shame even the Western donors which had been keeping you, and still do, your tribal and genocidal regime afloat.
In the aftermath of election 2005, you declared a state of emergency and your party claimed ‘victory’; the real victors were thrown into the infamous Qaliti jail – to the graveyard of democratic values; in Addis Ababa, close to 200 unarmed protesters against the daylight robbery of votes were killed in cold blood by security forces under your direct command; tens of thousands of supporters of the opposition mostly young were incarcerated in various environmentally harsh locations in Ethiopia with their heads shaved with a single unsterilized blade used on several detainees. I ask, as millions of fellow Ethiopians do, has there ever been a regime as cruel as the TPLF in Ethiopia?
In conclusion, Mr. Prime Minister,
Here is a famous quote by William Shakespeare: “What is the city but the people?” Given the rampant severe limitation of civil liberties by your government and abject poverty inflicting the masses of Addis Ababa, boasting of the high rise buildings and wide roads in the city amounts to nothing. Chuck out the scary and infamous Anti-Terror Law. Revise your land policy radically. Open up the political space and embrace the opposition as partners in development. I am saying this because I strongly believe that people-centered participatory development in a free democratic society must come first. Otherwise, I assure you that the time has come for a popular uprising and you have no one but yourself to blame. Think about it.
I recall that my first article way back in 1996 was about peace and reconciliation emulating the example of South Africa. Your regime ignored it. Do consider it again before it is too late or else the tsunami of change will sweep your regime out of power. I urge you to release from hostage the valiant people of Tigray in whose name you are trading to deter reconciliation; let them freely savor the sweet fruits of genuine democracy.
You are swimming against the current of history, as it were battling against an “idea whose time has come” in the 21st century in which values of dignity, freedom, democracy and above all respect for universal human rights go hand in hand with socio-economic development in a free society. I urge you to heed the message and embrace peaceful change in order to avert bloodshed. To that end, I urge you to release all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally.
Sincerely,
Robele Ababya
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By Yilma Bekele
[caption id="attachment_12696" align="alignleft" width="399" caption="H.I.M Emperor Haile Selassie I Speech to U.N OCT 6 1963"]
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There is a term some use to describe the US as being special. They call it ‘American exceptionalism.’ What the theory tries to define is the special and unique place the US holds due to the revolutionary nature of its founding and the emergence of an American Ideology that is based on individualism, equality, and unfettered free enterprise. Conservatives use the term to claim the higher ground while the left dismiss it as nothing more than myth. Both sides agree the US is a ‘shining city on a hill’, ‘cradle of liberty’ ‘indispensable nation’ etc. For a country that is the wealthiest, the most powerful and Continent size big it still requires its ego massaged. You will not find an American that does not think his country is exceptional. One cannot be elected even a dogcatcher without recognizing the uniqueness of good old USA.
I brought this up because there seems to be all sorts of attempts to knock down or demean our past. It is very shameful and destructive. The whole idea is so strange that it is difficult to find a rational explanation why our ‘leaders’ will resort to such ugly method to stay in power. It is understandable if our so-called enemies use such tactic. But our own government doing that is a little bizarre.
There is no denying our Country has existed for a very long time compared to other Nations. That is verifiable fact. It is also true that Ethiopia is prominently mentioned in the Holy Bible and spoken of favorably by the prophet Mohamed (may Allah’s blessings and peace be upon him) in the Holy Koran. I am not even going to mention Dinknesh. I just want to point out that we are the source of Abay that nourished and sustained the Great Pharos. The Pyramids of Giza were built from the waters and dirt from our Highlands. Ethiopia was there before written history.
Now the Victory at Adwa was our crowning moment. Emperor Minilk accompanied by Queen Taitu Betul and the combined might of our ancestors dealt a heavy blow to European Colonialism. That victory of an African nation against the big and ugly European that has been tormenting Black people for over three hundred years was heard across the Galaxy. Hey, you never know where you will find black folks. You think I am exaggerating? Ask Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Dubois, Kwamen Nkrumah and Nelson Mandela. I will leave the Rastafarian’s out of this brouhaha. Our esteemed Black leaders all wrote the significance of Ethiopia in helping them keep hope alive in their struggle for freedom and dignity. The Establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) is the continuation of that central role our country has played as a bright light that defines the hope and aspirations of all Black people. Just because we are at the bottom now it don’t mean we were always there.
This attempt to belittle, gloss over or cover up the pivotal role Ethiopia played in the formation of the OAU is futile and should definitely be considered to be a criminal act. We should never allow the spirit of our ancestors to be trampled upon. That is my opinion and I am unanimous in that. His Imperial majesty Haile Selassie I, his Cabinet led by Prime Minister Aklilu Habteweld and his brilliant protégé His Excellency Ato Ketema Yifru, Foreign Minster deserve the lion’s share of the credit for this Herculean effort. This is not to belittle the efforts of hundreds and thousands of others that worked hard. Not at all, but somebody always gives life to ideas and our leaders were smart enough to know the moment and act on it. That is how history is made.
OAU came at a time of “African Spring” of the 1960’s. The Europeans and Asians have managed to kill each other in a spectacular manner and were tired of war. Africans were waking up from their slumber. To say Black people were created to suffer does not describe the reality. Slavery and colonialism ‘s after effects will take centuries to erase. We are resilient people, thus we took the lull at the end of the war to assert our coming out. Young dynamic leaders graduates of the struggle for independence were emerging. They maneuvered and gained independence from the colonial powers. Their name still evokes pride and hope.
The 60’s Africa was a child of two worlds. On one side were the ‘Casa Blanca Group’ molded by the young Turks that have emerged from the yoke of colonialism as the new leaders. They included Gamal Abdel Nasser, Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou Toure, Ben Bella, Jomo Kenyata to mention a few. They were fired up and thinking big. Pan-Afrcanism that meant one big Continent Country like the USA was their goal. One Continent one Nation was their motto. They all were big people with big dreams.
On the other side were the ‘Monrovia Group’ led by the old and cautious. They wanted to go one step at a time. They were not willing to experiment. Sengor, Tubman, Boigney, Tafewa Balewa were formidable leaders in their own right. The two camps were vying for leadership. It is at this particular juncture in time that Ethiopia showed up to assert its leadership. Our credibility was unshakeable. Both sides respected and trusted our country and leader. We were not a product of this or that colonial master. We were an island of freedom and dignity in a sea of black suffering and abuse. The African leaders were conscious of this fact.
The much-heralded black people unity was realized in Addis Abeba Ethiopia in 1963. It came about by the hard work, far sighted and decisive leadership of our Emperor and his savvy Foreign Minister. The impossible was achieved in Addis Abeba and Black people all over the world celebrated. This is our contribution to African unity and no one can take that away from us.
Why we are discussing this past history is due to the current inauguration of a new building to house the Organization. It is a modern building. As buildings go it could be considered beautiful, more European than African if I might add. It was financed and built by the Peoples Republic of China as a gift to Africans. Why they would want to do that is a whole other discussion. I am not going there today. My interest centers around the issue of statue and the credit for the existence of the Organization in general.
The statue of His Excellency Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah former President of Ghana was prominently unveiled during the inauguration. No question he deserves the heart felt thanks of Africans and all Black people. It is a proud moment for all of us. His Excellency played a major and pivotal role in advancing the concept of Pan-Afrcanism and cemented the relationship of Africans and the African Diaspora in the West. It was an important linkage in showing the commonality of our struggle for freedom and dignity.
Some of us Ethiopians feel there is something missing here. Without taking away from others we believe may be it would have looked a little better if Dr. Nkrumah’s statue was accompanied with others that have labored as much to form this august body. Of course we have His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie in mind. Is that far fetched with a hint of selfishness on our part? I plead guilty. Since I am an Ethiopian I will let my African brethren answer that question. I am sure they will agree with us.
Why do you think HIM’s statue is not part of the new building? Here we are going to open Pandora’s box. All the evil is going to be spilled and you have no one to blame except yourself. Let us start with Osagyefo Nkrumah first. As you know he was the first President of Ghana. He led his nation on its transition from British playground to a free African nation. That was 1957. He has a tumultuous relationship with his people until he was overthrown in 1966. Truth be told that the builder of hydroelectric dams, champion of Pan Afrcanism and founder of the OAU was given to be an opponent of civil liberties and wrecker of political parties. So much so that he made his party (CPP) the only legal one and was declared President for life. All great leaders come with a baggage. What do you think the present leaders and people of Ghana think of their leader?
Here is where we part company with our Ghanaian friends. In Ghana the Osagyefo is seen as the most respected leader of Africa. Father of their country. Universities are named after him. Large boulevards carry his name and commemorative stamps bearing his face are the rage. In fact it is the current President of Ghana that have the statue made and delivered in Addis. They admire and love him very much warts and all.
See what I mean my friend? What is the hobby of our leaders? Kicking Ethiopia around comes to mind. Haven’t you noticed the inordinate amount of time spent by the TPLF mafia in discrediting all our early achievements and history? It should not be news to no one. The chances of our Emperor’s statue in Addis is no more than the chances of Meles Zenawi winning a free and fair election in Ethiopia. In other words hell will freeze over before that happens. These assorted simpletons even felt threatened by a dignified funeral service for the Emperor let alone allow erection of a statue. A Statue will definitely be the cause of mind melt. After all isn’t Ato Meles that called the emperor a ‘reactionary’ in front of all Africans? What makes you think they will honor the leader we ourselves condemn?
Please watch the speech given by dictator Meles supposedly defending Ethiopia in an AU meeting. TPLF cadres are so proud of his defense of our nation that it is heralded out on every occasion when they think it necessary to build his credentials as a lover of our country. It is a shame that the leader needs such crutch to make us a believer. I saw the video and I wanted to hide. It is a shameful performance worthy of a cadre. Where in the world did he get that larger than life Holly Wood reading glass? Was there something placed in the chair to make him jump around like a grasshopper? From what I can see he was as usual demeaning other representatives trying to make enemies rather than friends. By the way ‘reactionary’ Haile Selassie did not train revolutionary Nelson Mandela. No sir we trained fighters of African National Congress. It is not about individuals here but a cause. Our country was a welcome haven to all Black militants and freedom fighters.
We are not happy with the sidelining of our Emperor and thru him the contribution of our government and people. Recognition of the hard work and wise leadership of our Emperor is a reflection of the single minded and fiercely independent trait of our ancestors. The issue is not Haile Selassie but all of Ethiopia. Credit given to his Majesty for a job well done is something to be proud of by all of us. We love and respect him very much wart and all.
Today this fact of HIM’s statue missing is a no-brainer. Our country is misruled and on the verge of collapse is what should worry us. The sale of our land to foreigners is what should keep us awake at night. The fourteen million or more in need of food should be our focus. The lack of unity and determination to do good for our people and ourselves is my agony.
When the time comes we will build the biggest and baddest monument to our Emperor and other heroes. I have no doubt that will happen. If not us our children will rise up to this challenge and do what is right.
Materials used in this article:
http://www.oau-creation.com/
http://www.blackpast.org/?q=
http://www.youtube.com/watch?
http://www.rbgtube.com/play_
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[caption id="attachment_12504" align="aligncenter" width="450" caption="(from left to right) woubshet, reeyot and elias1nocredit"]
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New York, January 26, 2012–A U.S.-based journalist convicted on politicized terrorism charges in Ethiopia was sentenced to life in prison in absentia today, while two other Ethiopian journalists received heavy prison sentences in connection with their coverage of banned opposition groups, according to news reports.
Elias Kifle, exiled Ethiopian editor of the Washington-based opposition website Ethiopian Review, was handed a life sentence in absentia today, which followed a 2007 life sentence given to him also in absentia on charges of treason for his coverage of the government’s brutal repression of 2005 post-election protests, CPJ research shows. A court in the capital, Addis Ababa, sentenced Reeyot Alemu, a columnist with the independent weekly Feteh, and Woubshet Taye, deputy editor of the now-defunct weekly Awramba Times, to 14 years in prison and 33,000 birrs (US$1,500), news reports said.
“The life sentence for Elias Kifle and the prison sentences for Reeyot Alemu and Woubshet Taye are based on their writings about political dissent. This verdict has little to do with justice,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We condemn this politicized prosecution designed to cow critical voices into silence and call on the Supreme Court to reverse all the convictions.”
The three journalists were charged in September with lending support to an underground network of banned opposition groups, which has been criminalized under the country’s 2009 antiterrorism law. Alemu and Taye were arrested in June and held for weeks on government accusations of plotting to sabotage telephone and electricity lines before they were charged. In the trial, government prosecutors presented as evidence intercepted emails and phone calls between the journalists, as well as more than 25 Ethiopian Review articles on the activities of opposition groups, CPJ research shows.
Eskinder Nega, another Ethiopian blogger, has been imprisoned since September and could be sentenced to death if convicted of similar politicized terrorism charges in connection with his coverage of banned opposition groups.
EDITOR’S NOTE: The headline and text of the alert was changed to reflect that the U.S.-based blogger was given a life sentence, not the death penalty.
Source: http://www.cpj.org/2012/01/ethiopia-sentences-blogger-to-death-2-journalists.php
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To Prime Minister Ato Meles Zenawi:
Your administration’s current attempts to abort the Ginbot 7/OLF lethal and subversive, by-all-means-necessary, approach are neither effective nor efficient. Charging journalists with terrorism, jamming radio stations and satellite channels, or even threatening Shabia is only making the G7/OLF public image bolder and stronger.
Before Election 2002, E.C., Ginbot 7’s momentum was slow, and OLF was not even in the radar of most of Ethiopia’s political narrative. As you know well, the election result was a turn off even to the loyal opposition. After the Election 2002 results, G7’s stance was fully validated in the arena of public opinion in Diaspora and in Ethiopia. Many among those of us who are ardent supporters of peaceful and legal struggle have jumped the fence and joined the by-any-means-necessary camp. Those of us who are still holding on to peaceful struggle are feeling lonely now days – very lonely.
Dear Mr. Prime Minister, as you have personally witnessed during the armed struggle against Derg, it takes two to tango. If Derg hadn’t been as vicious and arrogant as it was, it might have stayed in power longer. Derg’s weakness was its inability to compromise, to listen to its opponents, and to reform. But during the armed struggle the EPRDF outsmarted the Derg in that regard. EPRDF’s militia was disciplined; its leadership was committed and tactically aligned with the then OLF and EPLF.
But now, it is as if your administration has forgotten the lessons from the armed struggle that helped the EPRDF remove the 500,000 army strong Derg. Your administration is locked into the same thinking the Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam administration was stuck in. The more your administration pushes, the more the G7/OLF camp is going to push back, and in the process the G7/OLF muscles are going to get stronger, its sympathizers and supporters are going to grow. The more innocent people your administration arrests, the greater your administration’s international image will suffer. And who will benefit from that? G7/OLF will; while donor nations and foreign investors will be turned off by it. Could the EPRDF have overcome the Derg if the West was not aganist the Derg? Very unlikely.
Mr. Prime Minister, it’s understandable that we are humans and at times we forget some of the hard learned lessons of our lives. That’s why I respectfully and strongly encourage you and your administration to spend time reflecting on how the EPRDF overcame the Derg. The only way to overcome the G7/OLF threat and a possible destabilization of the country your administration has been working for for two decades is to include the peaceful opposition into your administration’s policy making process.
Ignoring the peaceful and legal opposition and trying to be invincible is not the lesson the EPRDF should have learned from the Derg’s demise – it should be the opposite lesson. Sir, EPRDF is the most vulnerable now than ever before. EPRDF’s existence and invincibility can only come from compromise, cooperation and power sharing with the peaceful and legal opposition in Ethiopia. Including the peaceful and legal opposition in Ethiopia into the Council of Ministers is, in my humble opinion, the best way to terminate the current G7/OLF momentum before it gains more traction.
Sincerely,
Yared Ayicheh, USA
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Reach the writer at: yared_to_the_point@yahoo.com
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The Ethiopian Federal High Court on January 19, 2012, convicted three Ethiopian journalists, an opposition leader, and a fifth person under an anti-terrorism law that violates free expression and due process rights, Human Rights Watch said today. The Ethiopian government should immediately drop the case, release the defendants, and investigate their allegations of torture in detention.
The journalists are Woubshet Taye Abebe of the now-closed weekly newspaper Awramba Times, Reeyot Alemu Gobebo of the weekly newspaper Feteh, and Elias Kifle, editor of the online Ethiopian Review, who was tried in absentia. An opposition leader, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher Tadesse of the Ethiopian National Democratic Party, and a woman named Hirut Kifle Woldeyesus were also convicted. All five were convicted of conspiracy to commit terrorist acts, which carries a sentence of 15 years to life imprisonment or death, as well as of participating in a terrorist organization. They were also convicted of money laundering under the Ethiopian criminal code. Their sentencing is expected on January 26.
“The verdict against these five people confirms that Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law is being used to crush independent reporting and peaceful political dissent,” said Leslie Lefkow, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch, “The Ethiopian courts are complicit in this political witch-hunt.”
The case was marred by serious due process concerns. The defendants had no access to legal counsel during their three months in pretrial detention, and the court did not investigate their allegations of torture and mistreatment in detention.
Public comments by government officials have undermined the defendants’ presumption of innocence. A government spokesman, Shimeles Kemal, told Human Rights Watch in a telephone interview in September that Reeyot and Woubshet had been involved in planning terrorist acts. In October Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told the Ethiopian parliament that the authorities had conclusive evidence that the journalists and political opposition members arrested under the law were guilty of terrorism.
Both Woubshet and Zerihun alleged in court that they had been tortured, including being beaten, and mistreated during their pretrial detention at Addis Ababa’s notorious Maekelawi prison. None of the defendants were granted access to legal counsel during their pretrial detention. Local sources told Human Rights Watch that these complaints of mistreatment have not been investigated by the court.
Families and friends of the defendants have been granted visiting rights at Kaliti, where the defendants were transferred once the trial started in September 2011.
The evidence submitted by the prosecution only emphasizes the government’s political motivations behind the prosecutions, Human Rights Watch said.
According to the charge sheet, which Human Rights Watch examined, the evidence consisted primarily of online articles critical of the government and telephone discussions notably regarding peaceful protest actions that do not amount to acts of terrorism. Furthermore, the descriptions of the charges in the initial charge sheet did not contain even the basic elements of the crimes of which the defendants are accused. Two individuals attending the trial told Human Rights Watch that the prosecution put forward no evidence of involvement in terrorist acts.
“Getting a fair trial in a political case in Ethiopia today may be impossible,” Lefkow said. “The prosecution should drop the charges against these defendants and instead investigate their allegations of torture.”
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly raised serious concerns about Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009, including its overly broad definition of “terrorist acts,” which can include acts of peaceful protest that result in the “disruption of any public services”. The law also includes vague provisions that proscribe support for, or encouragement of, terrorism, which can include public reporting on banned terrorist groups.
The provision on pretrial detention allows suspects to be held in custody for up to four months without charge, one of the longest periods in anti-terrorism legislation worldwide. The provision violates due process rights guaranteed under Ethiopian law and international law, Human Rights Watch said.
The ruling comes one month after two Swedish journalists were sentenced to 11 years in prison on charges of “rendering support to terrorism,” based on their having illegally entered Ethiopia to investigate and report on abuses in the Ogaden area. Since June 2011, at least two other people have been convicted under the law and 24 others have been charged, including six other journalists and three opposition party members.
“Within the space of a month five journalists and one political opposition leader have been sentenced under ludicrous provisions in Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law,” Lefkow said. “The worst provisions in the law should be immediately amended to prevent further abuse and ensure that the law conforms to international standards.”
For more information on the trial and Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Law, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/12/21/ethiopia-journalists-convicted-under-unfair-law
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/25/ethiopia-terrorism-law-undercuts-free-speech
http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/30/ethiopia-amend-draft-terror-law
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Donor Funds Should Not Facilitate Abuse of Indigenous Groups
JANUARY 16, 2012
(London) – The Ethiopian government under its “villagization” program is forcibly relocating approximately 70,000 indigenous people from the western Gambella region to new villages that lack adequate food, farmland, healthcare, and educational facilities, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. State security forces have repeatedly threatened, assaulted, and arbitrarily arrested villagers who resist the transfers.

The report, “‘Waiting Here for Death’: Forced Displacement and ‘Villagization’ in Ethiopia’s Gambella Region,” examines the first year of Gambella’s villagization program. It details the involuntary nature of the transfers, the loss of livelihoods, the deteriorating food situation, and ongoing abuses by the armed forces against the affected people. Many of the areas from which people are being moved are slated for leasing by the government for commercial agricultural development.
“The Ethiopian government’s villagization program is not improving access to services for Gambella’s indigenous people, but is instead undermining their livelihoods and food security,” said Jan Egeland, Europe director at Human Rights Watch. “The government should suspend the program until it can ensure that the necessary infrastructure is in place and that people have been properly consulted and compensated for the loss of their land.”
The government says the “villagization” program is designed to provide “access to basic socioeconomic infrastructures” to the people it relocates and to bring “socioeconomic & cultural transformation of the people.” But despite pledges to provide suitable compensation, the government has provided insufficient resources to sustain people in the new villages, Human Rights Watch said.
The residents of Gambella, mainly indigenous Anuak and Nuer, have never had formal title to the land they have lived on and used. The government often claims that the areas are “uninhabited” or “under-utilized.” That claim enables the government to bypass constitutional provisions and laws that would protect these populations from being relocated.
The report is based on more than 100 interviews in Ethiopia in May and June 2011, and at the Ifo refugee camp in Dadaab and Nairobi, Kenya, where many Gambellans have fled.
“My father was beaten for refusing to go along [to the new village] with some other elders,” a former villager told Human Rights Watch. “He said, ‘I was born here – my children were born here – I am too old to move so I will stay.’ He was beaten by the army with sticks and the butt of a gun. He had to be taken to hospital. He died because of the beating – he just became weaker and weaker.”
The Villagization Program
The Ethiopian government is planning to resettle 1.5 million people by 2013 in four regions: Gambella, Afar, Somali, and Benishangul-Gumuz. Relocations started in 2010 in Gambella, and approximately 70,000 people there were scheduled to be moved by the end of 2011. Under the Gambella Peoples’ National Regional State Government Plan, 45,000 households are to be moved during the three-year program. The plan pledges to provide infrastructure for the new villages and assistance to ensure alternative livelihoods. The plan also states that the movements are to be voluntary.
Instead of improved access to government services, however, new villages often go without them altogether. The first round of forced relocations occurred at the worst possible time of year – the beginning of the harvest – and many of the areas to which people were moved are dry with poor-quality soil. The nearby land needs to be cleared, and agricultural assistance – seeds and fertilizers – has not been provided. The government failure to provide food assistance for relocated people has caused endemic hunger and cases of starvation.
Human Rights Watch’s research showed that the forced relocation policy is disrupting a delicate balance of survival for many in the region. Livelihoods and food security in Gambella are precarious. Pastoralists are being forced to abandon their cattle-based livelihoods in favor of settled cultivation. Shifting cultivators – farmers who move from one location to another over the years – are being required to grow crops in a single location, which risks depleting their soil of vital nutrients. In the absence of meaningful infrastructural support and regular supplies of food aid, the changes for both populations may have life-threatening consequences, Human Rights Watch said.
The resident of one new village told Human Rights Watch: “We expect major starvation next year because they did not clear in time. If they [the government] cleared [the land] we would have food next year but now we have no means for food.”
Commercial Land Investment
The villagization program is taking place in areas where significant land investment is planned or occurring. The Ethiopian government has consistently denied that the resettlement of people in Gambella is connected to the leasing of large areas of land for commercial agriculture, but villagers have been told by government officials that this is an underlying reason for their displacement. Former local government officials confirmed these allegations to Human Rights Watch.
One farmer told Human Rights Watch that during the government’s initial meeting with his village, government officials told them: “We will invite investors who will grow cash crops. You do not use the land well. It is lying idle.”
“We want you to be clear that the government brought us here… to die… right here,” one elder told Human Rights Watch. “We want the world to hear that government brought the Anuak people here to die. They brought us no food, they gave away our land to the foreigners so we can’t even move back. On all sides the land is given away, so we will die here in one place.”
Mass displacement to make way for commercial agriculture in the absence of a proper legal process contravenes Ethiopia’s constitution and violates the rights of indigenous peoples under international law.
From 2008 through January 2011, Ethiopia leased out at least 3.6 million hectares of land, an area the size of the Netherlands. An additional 2.1 million hectares of land is available through the federal government’s land bank for agricultural investment. In Gambella, 42 percent of the total land area is either being marketed for lease to investors or has already been awarded to investors, according to government figures. Many of the areas that have been moved for villagization are within areas slated for commercial agricultural investment.
“The villagization program is being undertaken in the exact same areas of Ethiopia that the government is leasing to foreign investors for large-scale commercial agricultural operations,” Egeland said. “This raises suspicions about the underlying motives of the villagization program.”
Role of Foreign Donors
Foreign donors to Ethiopia, including the United Kingdom, United States, World Bank, and European Union, assert that they have no direct involvement in the villagization programs. However, the multi-donor Protection of Basic Services (PBS) program subsidizes basic services – health, education, agriculture, roads, and water – and local government salaries in all districts in the country, including areas where new villages are being constructed and where the main activity of local governments is moving people.
As a result of their potential responsibilities and liabilities, donors have undertaken assessments of the villagization program in Gambella and in Benishangul-Gumuz and determined that the relocations were voluntary. Human Rights Watch’s field-based research and interviews with residents, however, indicates that the moves have been coerced.
International donors should ensure that they are not providing support for forced displacement or facilitating rights violations in the name of development, Human Rights Watch said. They should press Ethiopia to live up to its responsibilities under Ethiopian and international law, namely to provide communities with genuine consultation on the villagization process, ensure that the relocation of indigenous people is voluntary, compensate them appropriately, prevent human rights violations during and after any relocation, and prosecute those implicated in abuses. Donors should also seek to ensure that the government meets its obligations to respect, protect, and fulfill the economic and social rights of the people in new villages.
“It seems that the donor money is being used, at least indirectly, to fund the villagization program,” Egeland said. “Donors have a responsibility to ensure that their assistance does not facilitate forced displacement and associated violations.”
Selected Accounts from “Waiting Here for Death”
Source: http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/01/16/ethiopia-forced-relocations-bring-hunger-hardship
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Protest Against Dictator Meles’ stooges and hired guns in Houston from robbing Ethiopians in the name of the Abay Dam.
Are they selling Bonds to Finance a Dam or to Rob Ethiopians !!
Dictator Meles is sending a delegation to Houston to loot Ethiopians in the Diaspora. He claims that he is issuing bonds to finance the construction of the Nile dam near the Sudan border at a cost of over $5 Billion, which is equivalent to Ethiopia’s annual budget or equivalent to $3.73 trillion for USA.
This scheme is primarily to distract and mollify patriotic Ethiopians from their opposition to the regime and to loot gullible Ethiopians from their hard earned money. It is simply a highway robbery being orchestrated against gullible Ethiopians by sleek and cruel snake oil sales people, not necessarily interested to empower Ethiopians. Meles has no capability or intention of building such a dam. The scheme is lead by Bereket Simon who vigorously fought for Eritrean secession and for surrendering Western Ethiopia to the Sudan.
For the last 37 years and more, Bereket and Meles have been making a huge attempt to drive wedges among Ethiopians based on religion, tribe, language or any factor in order to divide and conquer and stay in power.
Their attempt in destroying Ethiopia as a viable nation politically and economically has succeeded, as Ethiopia was found to be one of the failing states following countries like Somalia, Chad, and others. Dictator Meles made Ethiopia one of the most wretched place on earth by all considerations. At the same time, his stooges and hired guns in Houston and the USA continue to enrich themselves as a partner to this evil empire. Meles is the Pol Pot, Ivan the terrible and Idi Amin of Ethiopia, of course unknown to the world, he is the most brute and evil of all for the majority of Ethiopians.
Protest will take place:
Date: Saturday January 21, 2012
Time: 2:00 PM
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Ethiopians in Diaspora
To Whom It May Concern;
We are concerned Ethiopians in Diaspora, who closely follow our detained 35 Ethiopians in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia while they were gathering in a home to celebrate Christmas in December 2011, which is allowed according to the law of the country. From these innocent prisoners, 29 of them are women who some of them left their children in their home.
We hope that you heard the news which is spread all over the world through different mass media including VOA Amharic Service on Jan 12, 2012. Our Ethiopian brothers and sisters are beaten and suffocated in a tiny space (10mx5m) together with 400 other prisoners without enough food and medical attention. For this reason many of them are sick and three people died. They are forced to stand or sleep on the top of other prisoners by taking turns. Above all, our sisters were humiliated and abused to the extent that they felt being raped as a religious police was allowed to put her hand in their private parts using a single glove to all of them without changing the glove that they couldn’t handle the situation but rather to die. All their crime is being Christians and celebrating Christmas in their home without breaking the country’s law.
To defy these types of cruel activities, we sincerely urge the international community to remind the government of Saudi Arabia of this crime on humanity, to respect international law, and to comply with its own national law. We urge all international humanitarian bodies to save our brothers and sisters by providing necessities and medical support.
To stand for humanity means to stand for ourselves!!
CC: To Ethiopian government
All concerned Ethiopians in Diaspora.
Ethio.C.M.D.4.Solutions@mail.com
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From the International Slave Trade to the International Maid Trade
In the days of the Atlantic slave trade, the Middle Passage was the journey of slave trading ships from the west coast of Africa to the New World. Portuguese, British, French, Spanish, Dutch and other slave traders maintained outposts along the African coast to transact their business with their local slave raiding partners. Millions of African slaves were sold or traded for manufactured goods or raw materials. In the grueling journey, the slaves were often shackled and chained to the floor to gain maximum cargo capacity. Many died from disease, starvation, dehydration and suffocation. Many also committed suicide by jumping overboard. Those who resisted their masters were beaten and even killed. Plantation owners treated the slaves like cattle; and those working in the fields were often flogged and beaten. Female slaves were the objects of sexual desire and abuse by their masters. The law required runaway slaves (“fugitive slaves”) who escaped their bondage to be returned to their masters who punished them severely.
There is a Middle Passage of sorts taking place today from Ethiopia to the Middle East. It is what lawyerKhaled Ali Beydoun and others have described as the Ethiopian “Maid Trade”.Today a network of unscrupulous modern-day slave-traffickers (“human traffickers”) and “private labor employment agencies” operating under license by the ruling regime in Ethiopia transship thousands of young Ethiopian women to various parts of the Middle East to work as domestic servants in what amounts to “contract slavery” with little follow up and monitoring to ensure their well-being and welfare in their host countries.
The plight of Ethiopian women domestic workers in the Middle East has beendocumented in Bina Fernandez’s survey research (Ch. 7). In 2009, “over 74,000 people risked their lives to enter Yemen en route to Saudi Arabia, of which 42,000 were Ethiopians.” According to official data, 91% of the Ethiopian domestic workers in the Middle East were single women, 83% between the age of 20–30 age group, 63% had some secondary education, 26% were illiterate and 71% Muslim and 93% earned US$100–150 per month. Some of these women “officially registered with the government as a migrant worker”. Others “worked through illegal brokers who are viciously exploitative [and] often take the women’s money and sometimes abandon them in the desert before they even reach Somalia.”
The “Middle Passage” of Middle East “contract slavery” for the young Ethiopian women is unspeakably harrowing. Their working conditions are described as slave-like, except, as Beydoun argues, “Shackles and whips have been replaced by more inventive designs to dehumanize, suppress, and subsequently enslave persons for economic or sexual purposes.” Fernandez reported that the women live-in domestic workers she interviewed were “on-call 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, and working between 10 and 20 hours daily.” Some of the women pulled “double duty– that is, cleaning or doing laundry for a second household, usually a relative of their employer.” Most of these women got “only one day off a month, or no break at all.” Many of these women experienced “complete physical exhaustion” and often suffered “mental breakdown” unable to “tell what day of the week it was, or what time it was.” They faced extreme physical, mental and sexual abuse. In August 2011, the world witnessed the shocking video of Shweyga Mullah, a young Ethiopian woman who cared for two of Moammar Gadhafi’s grandchildren in Libya. Because Shweyga refused to beat one of the grandchildren, Gadhaffi’s daughter-in-law “tied her hand behind her back, taped her mouth and poured boiling water on her scalding her entire body.” She suffered first degree burns over her entire body. Extreme physical and sexual abuse of Ethiopiandomestic workers is not uncommon elsewhere in the Middle East as documented by Al Jazeera in 2009 in the United Arab Emirates.
Fernadez further found that that “verbal abuse by employers is commonplace” including “racial insults and discriminatory behaviour (such as separate food and dishes for them) as is non-payment or underpayment of wages. To escape their conditions, some are forced to become “runaways”. They end up doing “live-out domestic workers, brewing and selling illicit liquor, or engaging in sex work.” But they are trapped. Fernandez explains, “Their lack of legal status makes them vulnerable to greater exploitation if they are detected, as they risk blackmail, imprisonment, and/or deportation. If they wish to leave voluntarily, they often have to pay highfines for exit visas.”
On the other hand, Beydoun argues that the young Ethiopian women trafficked in the “maid trade” in Lebanon are often clueless about “what their commitment entails, and the imminent risks and hazards they will likely endure during migration and employment.” They face enormous dangers including “overcharging of fees; debt bondage; falsification of documents; deception with regard to the nature and conditions of employment, contract substitution, exploitation and abuse, lack of preparation for employment abroad, including lack of predeparture training; forced/coerced recruitment, including being kidnapped or sold to illegal recruiters or traffickers; hazardous journey to the country of destination.”
Tears of the Ethiopian Maids
In a recent Youtube video, an unnamed young Ethiopian woman confronts a representative of the regime of Meles Zenawi in a meeting hall in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The words of this young woman in the 2 minute video are so powerful, so overwhelming and so penetrating that the listener is brought to convulsive tears. She complains about the mistreatment and dehumanization she and other maids continue to face in life and in death in the UAE, and laments the depraved indifference of her “government” to speak up, defend and protect them from gross abuses of human rights.
…. If we run away from [our abusive employers], there is a chance we can die. There is a woman who tells us to run away. But they don’t help us. If [we] run away, we need money to pay for rent and food. [We] don’t have to run away. As much as possible, it is better to help [us]. When we live in this country [UAE], sometimes we die. Many of us are buried here. Why must an Ethiopian be buried in the Emirates? Why is that our government does not check on us, follow up on our conditions, ask about us? Why should I be buried in a foreign country? It does not matter if we are Christian or Muslim. This question has deprived me sleep. When I bow to pray, I have not been able to do so properly. Only God knows. All I do is cry. Even our dead bodies must not be buried in this country. [There was a domestic worker accused of killing her employer.] It is possible she may have done something wrong. Her government should stand and defend her and advocate for her. She should be punished as appropriate [if she is guilty] by her family or the law… We learned [within a few days of her arrest] that she was killed by the authorities [in the Emirates].
As she concluded her statement, this young woman cries out in pain, her voice quivering, tears in her eyes and pleading for an answer from someone, anyone:
Where is Ethiopia’s flag? I can’t take it anymore. I can’t take it anymore…!!!!
It was enough to make a grown man cry. It would be impossible to find a more patriotic, resolute, unwavering, steadfast and true-to-the-core Ethiopian than this young woman!! When those who have a chokehold on power declare with depraved indifference that “Ethiopia’s flag is a piece of rag”, this unnamed young Ethiopian woman cries her heart out looking of her lost Ethiopian flag. Bless her heart!
The Response of Zenawi’s Regime – Blame the Maids!
The response of Meles Zenawi’s regime to the plight of these women is morally calloused and depraved. Fernandez reported: “The term ‘runaway’ was used in a pejorative sense by one Ethiopian government official and several of the PEA [private employment agency] representatives during interviews, to describe these women as delinquents who abandon their contractual responsibilities because they do not want to work hard, and want an easy life.” Beydoun argues that the ruling regime’s efforts to combat trafficking in Lebanon were symbolic and ineffective despite the fact that an inter-agency anti-trafficking task force had been established to deal with the problem. He concluded, “Trafficked women are particularly vulnerable where their own governments fail to adequately protect them.”
Since 1998, Zenawi’s regime has put in place a “Private Employment Agency Proclamation No. 104/1998”, which provided for licensing of private employment agencies and the prosecution of illegal brokers. In 2009, this Proclamation was repealed and updated by the “Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009”, which required private employment agencies, among other things, “not to recruit a job seeker below the age of 18 years; not to terminate the contract of employment before acquiring the consent of the worker in writing, get approval from the Ethiopian embassy or consular office to form a new contract or to modify the existing one, register a worker sent abroad, within fifteen days, with the nearest Ethiopian embassy or consular office.” The “private employment agency which sends workers abroad” is mandated to ensure that the working conditions in the host country not “be less favorable to an Ethiopian than the rights and benefits of those who work in a similar type and level of work in the country of employment.” The foreign employer is required to pay the “visa fee of the country of destination, round trip ticket, residence and work permit fees and insurance coverage” for the worker. Moreover, “any private employment agency which sends a worker abroad for work” must deposit cash or post bond in the minimum amount of USD$30,000 for up to 500 workers “for the protection and enforcement of the rights of the worker.”
The real penalty for violation of the Proclamation No. 632 is suspension, revocation or cancellation of license of the employment agency. Though various stiff criminal penalties are provided in Article 40, there is little evidence of serious prosecution of human traffickers. According to a 2010 State Department report, “Between March and October 2009, the [Federal High Court’s 11th Criminal] bench heard 15 cases related to transnational labor trafficking, resulting in five convictions, nine acquittals, and one withdrawal due to missing witnesses. Of the five convictions, three offenders received suspended sentences of five years’ imprisonment, two co-defendants were fined, and one offender is serving a sentence of five years’ imprisonment.”
Similarly, according to a 2011 UNHCR report, “The [Ethiopian] government showed only nascent signs of engaging destination country governments in an effort to improve protections for Ethiopian workers and obtain protective services for victims.” Moreover, “although licensed employment agencies must place funds in escrow in the event a worker’s contract is broken, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has never used these deposits to pay for victims’ transportation back to Ethiopia.” But the regime has readily come to the rescue of other victims of human traffickers according to the same UNHCR report: “In 2010, Ethiopia granted asylum to 1,383 Eritrean refugees deported from Egypt, many of whom claim to have been brutalized by Rashaida smugglers operating in the Sinai – including conditions of forced construction labor – or have fled Eritrea to escape situations of forced labor associated with the implementation of the country’s national service program.” While it is noble and morally commendable to assist any victim of human trafficking and human rights abuse, it is also true that charity begins at home.
What Can Be Done to Help Ethiopian Women Caught Up in the “Maid Trade”?
The international movement of labor is a fact of international life. For a poor country such as Ethiopia where unemployment is high, workers who migrate abroad are a source of much needed financial support for their families, and a source of remittances for the country in the hundreds of millions of dollars annually. But slavery, by any other name including contract slavery”, is still slavery. It is just as cruel, oppressive, exploitive, dehumanizing and degrading. These women are extremely vulnerable and have no rights and no means of support to vindicate their rights. Various commentators have argued that the demand for Ethiopian domestic workers will continue long-term as they are considered cheaper and more obedient. In other words, they are considered “model maids” who put up with a lot of abuse in quiet desperation.
One can point to international legal and moral obligations to help out these women and effectively combat human trafficking camouflaged as migrant labor. Among the relevant Conventions and protocols include: the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, the United Nations Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and Air, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and its two related protocols. Discussion of legal and moral state obligations under these Conventions would be an exercise in futility. Talking law to those who sneer and thumb their noses at the rule of law is a waste of time. So is making a moral plea or appealing to conscience as both presuppose the existence of a moral plane of discussion. All that can be done is explain what can be done!
If the problem of “contract slavery” in the Ethiopian “maid trade” is going to be addressed effectively, serious criminal investigations and prosecutions must be pursued against violators. The aggressive crackdown that has long been directed at the independent press in Ethiopia should be re-directed to the gangs of criminal human traffickers. Various scholars and researchers have offered effective recommendations to deal with the problem including the provision of domestic skills training in a Middle Eastern context to Ethiopian women in attempt to lessen their vulnerability, working with NGOs as partner organizations to monitor their working conditions and working with host countries to make it easy for these workers to use the banking institutions. Some have suggested ways of improving access to the criminal justice system of the host country by providing a confidential complaint reporting process for abuse and wage payment related issues and legal assistance, expanding victim services such as shelters and hotlines engaging civil society and faith-based groups to offer assistance. There are lessons to be learned from the experiences of other countries such as the Philippines which maintains an Overseas Employment Administration Agency to secure the interests of Filipino workers throughout the world.
Slavery By Any Other Name
Slavery was not abolished in Saudi Arabia and Yemen until 1962. A year later it was abolished in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In the 1950s, Saudi Arabia had an estimated 450,000 slaves, nearly 20 percent of the population. Perhaps it should come as no surprise that “contract slavery” of domestic servants continues in these countries. The deep tracks of slavery do not vanish easily in the desert sand in a mere 50 years. The vast majority of the Ethiopian domestic workers end up in these three countries. In 2009, “over 74,000 people risked their lives to enter Yemen en route to Saudi Arabia, of which 42,000 were Ethiopians.” The “kafala” or sponsorship system in the Gulf States gives disproportionate power to the sponsor (employer) in the “contract” relationship. If the worker breaks her contract, she bears the cost of her return ticket and will likely pay fines and pay debts to the employment agency that arranged the sponsorship. There is no running away from “contract slavery” particularly since the migrant worker is required to surrender her passport (if legally in the country) to the employer. Through the maids may be able to run away from their cruel employers, they cannot hide. They are frequently arrested as fugitive workers, not unlike fugitive slaves of yesteryears. Unable to change their circumstances, these women endure in quiet desperation often for years.
Slavery by any other name is still slavery. In truth, there can be no “contract slavery” since only free men and free women can enter into any contracts, which leaves many of the Ethiopian women domestic workers as nothing but slaves and at best indentured servants. Article 4 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees that “No one shall be held in slavery or servitude, slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.” We must all do what we can to help our Ethiopian sisters to rise up from “contract slavery”!
“Where is Ethiopia’s flag?”
Previous commentaries by the author are available at: www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
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We … call on Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and America’s Western allies to publicly repudiate Ethiopia’s efforts to use terrorism laws to silence political dissent. We also urge the U.S. to ensure that our more than $600 million in aid to Ethiopia is not used to foster repression.
This is the call to action from a letter published in the New York Review of Books this month.
We at DRI are inspired by the courage of Eskinder Nega, an Ethiopian journalist, newspaper publisher, and dissident arrested on September 14th after writing a blog post demanding freedom of expression and an end to torture in Ethiopian prisons. Despite previous arrests, both Eskinder and his wife, Serkalem Fasil, have chosen to remain in Ethiopia and continue their work.
While we don’t want to meddle in other countries’ politics, we do want to speak out against aid that supports rights-violating regimes, in solidarity with Ethiopian citizens who are simply asking to exercise their own civil liberties.
From 2005, when Eskinder Nega was first imprisoned in the aftermath of Ethiopia’s parliamentary elections marred with rigging and violence, to the present, international aid to Ethiopia has more than doubled to well over $4 billion. The three largest donors are the World Bank, the United States, and the United Kingdom.
Although they acknowledge “concerns” about governance and the protection of basic human rights, aid agencies continue to increase aid flows, praising the Ethiopian regime for high national growth rates and improvements on some health and poverty metrics. Even if not entirely reliable, these figures allow Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles to capitalize on The Myth of the Benevolent Autocrat, under which a “strong leader” (in the tradition to Lee-Kwan Yew, Deng Xiaoping, and even Paul Kagame) is given undue credit for a period of high growth, and excused for whatever human rights abuses and press freedom repression was deemed necessary in the pursuit of economic growth. Unfortunately for Meles, recent DRI research has found that there is no empirical basis for a belief that unconstrained autocratic leaders outperform democratic leaders.
The Ethiopian predicament raises tough questions for people concerned with both poverty alleviation and human rights. The Ethiopian government uses aid to build schools, vaccinate children, and provide social safety nets for the poor. But a Human Rights Watch report found that the government also systematically uses aid as a political weapon to discriminate against non-party members and punish dissenters. The report found widespread evidence of village leaders withholding seeds, fertilizer, and loans from farmers not in the ruling party, and local officials denying emergency food aid to women, children and the elderly as punishment for refusing to join the party.
In Ethiopia, aid agencies should do all they can to make sure aid helps Ethiopians rather than their rulers. One (albeit imperfect) measure of this is “channel of delivery” – data collected by the OECD on whether country aid agencies route funds through the public sector, NGOs, private-public partnerships, or multilateral organizations. These two graphs show available data for the US and the UK.
Like the UK, the World Bank has long given its aid through direct budget support either to the central or local governments, insisting that social accountability mechanisms are in place to prevent misuse. But many observers and journalists tell a different story: that such mechanisms are either not present, or are not working because independent, third-party observers upon which such accountability measures depend are more often ruling party-affiliated NGOs. Even a study commissioned by the donors found that two of the programs for Ethiopia’s most needy “face important challenges in their accountability systems” and “significant weakness” in safeguards and monitoring processes intended to detect distortion and produce evidence about whether or not the program works.
While it is logical to believe that the way donors deliver aid can strengthen or weaken the compact between rulers and their people in democratic countries, aid cannot create this compact where it does not exist. Empirical evidence does not support the idea that aid can cause dictatorships to become democracies, and in fact a new DRI working paper suggests that aid is more likely to push countries further down their existing path—so that aid to dictatorships makes them more dictatorial, not less.
Bad news for Eskinder Nega and other dissidents and journalists wrongfully persecuted and imprisoned, as aid agencies continue to empower the regime at the expense of the Ethiopian people.
Tags: DFID, Eskinder Nega, Ethiopia, freedom of expression, human rights, Meles Zenawi, USAID, World Bank
Source: http://nyudri.org/2012/01/09/no-aid-for-repressive-tyrants/
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Two politicians who had been rising stars in Ethiopia’s ethnic Oromo opposition movement have pleaded “not guilty” to terrorism charges in Addis Ababa on Monday.
Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa appeared in federal court to hear charges accusing them of conspiring to overthrow Ethiopia’s government by force. They also stand accused of being recruiters for the Oromo Liberation Front, an outlawed separatist group.
Bekele and Olbana had been considered among the brightest of the young generation of politicians being groomed to take over following the 2010 electoral disaster, when the opposition was virtually shut out of parliament. Bekele had been named deputy chairman and external relations chief for the Oromo Federal Democratic Movement (OFDM), and Olbana held a similar post in the Oromo People’s Congress.
Bekele, an English instructor at Addis Ababa University, was also on the executive board of the main opposition bloc Medrek.
The men were arrested last August after meeting with a visiting delegation from the Amnesty International rights group, which was later expelled from the country.
Along with seven co-defendants, Bekele and Olbana had also assisted a BBC news crew that been investigating allegations that Ethiopia used billions of dollars in development aid as a tool for political repression. The government strongly denied the report, calling it irresponsible.
In court Monday, Bekele tried to argue that he had been working for peaceful change on behalf of what he called “downtrodden Oromos,” who comprise Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Chief Judge Endeshaw Adane cut him short, saying the hearing was only for entering a plea.
Dr. Mogga Frissa, who heads both OFDM and the Medrek opposition bloc, says the court’s handling of the case and the long delay in bringing defendants to trial constitutes unfair treatment of Oromos.
“(The) Oromo community is disappointed with this,” he says. “They are oppressed, they have no right of talking, they have no right of expressing themselves. Every Oromo. They have kept them for almost [four] months and only today they have asked them if they are guilty or not, so this shows the Oromos are oppressed.”
The trial is scheduled to continue Tuesday at the same high-court complex where a verdict is due in the case of two journalists also charged with terrorism. Reeyot Alemu, a columnist with the weekly paper Fitih [Justice], and Woubshet Taye, deputy editor of the now defunct Awramba Times, are charged with plotting to sabotage telephone and electricity lines.
In a third terrorism trial slated to resume later in this week, opposition politician Andualem Aragie and internet blogger and political analyst Eskinder Nega are among 30 defendants charged with conspiring to overthrow Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government by violent means. While Eskider and Andualem will be in the courtroom, most of the defendants are in exile and being tried in absentia.
All those charged in the three cases have been outspoken critics of Meles and his ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which has been in power for more than 20 years. Human rights and press freedom groups have accused the EPRDF of using the terrorism law to silence dissent. The government staunchly denies the charges.
Two Swedish journalists were convicted on terrorism-related charges in the same court last month and sentenced to 11 years in prison. The pair had been arrested in the company of an outlawed rebel group in Ethiopia’s restive Ogaden region.
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Public Radio International – The World
[caption id="attachment_11743" align="alignleft" width="300" caption="Workers at the Saudi Star rice farm in Ethiopia. (Photo by Dallas McNamara.)"]
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Famine has swept through much of Ethiopia in the past year, but a new project will see a Saudi Arabian country convert one of the most fertile areas to produce rice for export. The idea is it’s better to have people employed and making money.
Gambella in western Ethiopia is one of the most fertile places in the mostly drought- and famine-stricken Eastern Africa country, with thick forests, scorching heat and abundant rains.
But now Gambella, home to five rivers and a National Park, is also home to large-scale agricultural investments. A Saudi billionaire has leased 25,000 acres from the Ethiopian government to grow rice and this summer planted its first commercial crop. The company, Saudi Star, plans to expand that to nearly 500,000 acres within 10 years.
Saudi Star plans to add hundreds of miles of irrigation canals and pipes to bring water from the Alwero Dam to its thirsty rice crop. Ethiopians don’t typically grow or eat rice, so most of the crop will be exported to the Middle East. But Muhammad Manzoor Khan, a Pakistani consultant for Saudi Star, said the rice will still help Ethiopia feed its people.
“This kind of project can really bring a revolution in food production as well as uplifting the social conditions of the people around,” Khan said, standing in front of rice paddies.
Ethiopia is a fast-developing nation, but it’s struggling with severe drought and skyrocketing food prices. The Ethiopian government estimates 4.5 million people in the country need emergency food aid.
In the past few years, Ethiopia has developed a comprehensive agricultural plan that relies on foreign investment, and much-needed foreign currency to move forward.
Saudi Star predicts its massive rice project will generate $1 billion in revenue for Ethiopia and create tens of thousands of jobs. The Ministry of Agriculture’s Esayas Kebede said that means increased food security for Ethiopians – if people have jobs they can buy food, even if there is a drought.
“If you increase the purchasing power of the people, the people can easily get their own food by their own cash,” Kebede said.
But many of the local Anuak tribe say the rice farm is not providing jobs for their people. They worry the rice will dry up the water they rely on for their own farming and fishing. And they say, after years of hostility from the government, they are now being forced off their land to make way for investors.
One local woman from the Anuak tribe said the government told them they’re moving them to a better place where they can get government assistance.
“There are no farms here and no food. Now we’re living like refugees in our own country,” she said.
The Ethiopian government admits it moved people from rural settlements to villages, but not because of the Saudi Star project, they say. Kebede said it was to provide them with better services and aid. According to Human Rights Watch, however, many of Anuak are being relocated to parts of Gambella that already have insufficient food for the local population.
“This large scale investment program has nothing to do with food security concerns in the country,” said Desalegn Rahmeto, a senior research fellow at the Forum for Social Studies in Addis Ababa. “If you export all the food items and earn foreign currency, but people in the communities don’t have access to food, that is counter productive. And this is happening, this is not hypothetical situation, this is actually happening.”
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“PRI’s “The World” is a one-hour, weekday radio news magazine offering a mix of news, features, interviews, and music from around the globe. “The World” is a co-production of the BBC World Service, PRI and WGBH Boston. More about
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The SMNE has been alerted to a serious issue affecting Christians and Muslims in the village of Qoto Baloso, Silte province of Ethiopia. Reports allege that Christians church were burned down on 29 November 2011 by Muslim students, accompanied by Muslim police officials. The students were shouting “Allahu Akbar” (“God is great”).
Please watch the video. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QX9gILYFLkg&mid=555
Is it really a Christian and Muslim conflict or just another TPLF/EPRDF power scheme?
The SMNE calls Ethiopians to not seek revenge against Muslims or Christians for the recent religiously based killings in Ethiopia. Instead, Ethiopians are urged to exercise extreme caution as this conflict may not be about religion at all, but be about the TPLF/EPRDF. The SMNE warns that further religiously based violence could lead to such breakdown in the country that recovery would be difficult. Ethiopians need no further killing or revenge! Such actions would propel Ethiopia into further chaos; hate and suffering even worse than what we have been enduring for the last 20 years since the TPLF regime came into power!
Such conflict comes as a shock to most Ethiopians who, despite ethnic and political divisions, have not seen serious religious conflict. Historically, Muslims, Christians, Jews, traditionalists and non-believers in Ethiopia have been able to live peaceably, side by side in this country of about half Christians and half Muslims. What is happening? Is a more radical form of Islam emerging in Ethiopia that will threaten the religious tolerance that Ethiopians have enjoyed for thousands years? Well, in a more sinister direction, information reported to the SMNE points out a different possibility–that the conflict has been created by agents of the TPLF/EPRDF, who have incited local militias, made up of pro-EPDRF government Muslims and allegedly, to kill Christians and burn their church. The common factor between the militants is their allegiance not to Allah, but to the TPLF/EPRDF.
Reports are coming out from various sources that the attacks were instigated, supported by the TPLF/EPRDF and other pro-government militias. Some reports have been received that as the Christians grieve and try to get help, they have been urged by some in the TPLF/EPRDF to retaliate. Witnesses report being told to, “Stop your whining and do the same to them,” meaning Muslims. Instead of being a bona fide religious conflict, the crisis has all the telltale signs of a purposely manufactured conflict meant to achieve definite political goals. Shockingly absent is any concern for the human lives lost as a result of these brutal and calculating methods.
Political survival of the TPLF/EPRDF is at stake. Increasing inter-ethnic unity amongst Ethiopians is causing increased difficulties to the current regime. An old strategy of fomenting conflict between ethnic groups has now come to the forefront to break down the historical religious tolerance between Christians and Muslims as Mr. Meles attempts to convince the West that the terrorists are here in Ethiopia.
These Christians and Muslims are mostly Oromo who have lived amongst each other for years. This game of the TPLF/EPRDF should be exposed by everyone, including Muslims and Christians who refuse to be played with like pawns in a game, but this is not a game, it is life and death. Unfortunately, the history of this regime is mired in the blood of many. Unless more are aware of what is happening, it will continue to claim the lives and futures of the Ethiopian people.
Ethiopians must not be blinded! Even now, some Christians may be planning revenge against innocent Muslim brothers and sisters. We must warn these people to not simply react with great emotion coming from their grief and anger, but to think before they commit crimes for which they will later be held accountable by God/Allah and man. We must realize that all the signs are there that the TPLF/EPRDF wants us Ethiopian kill each other. Do not become like the Woyane— agents of death! Our pain does not justify killing of the innocent! Our Muslim and Christian leaders must stand up for higher principles and avoid greater disaster!
Do not fall into the trap set up by the TPLF/EPRDF to make us fail. Persevere, support and grieve through this until together, we see the light! As we speak, religious tensions are growing. You, and each of us, must stop this horrible brutality and join together to fight for peace, justice and the rule of law. Do not fight against yourself, ourselves and our brothers and sisters by joining in with actions that are sure to lead us to greater despair.
The SMNE calls on all leaders, especially in the religious community, to guide your people towards forgiveness and reconciliation. Let only the real perpetrators be held accountable for their crimes in courts of justice, not the innocent or you will become like “them!” Even if such justice is not available in Ethiopia right now, let us work together towards future justice for all Ethiopians. Know that God/Allah will ultimately hold all accountable for our actions.
The SMNE expresses its condolences to the families who lost their loved ones in these conflicts. As we feel the pain of these losses, we remember those who have died. We cannot bring back any of their lives, but we can work towards making a New and better Ethiopia where such things can never happen again. An Ethiopia where we put our humanity before our religion, ethnicity or any other difference. An Ethiopia where we see each person as part of our greater Ethiopian family. When one part of our society like Muslims, Christians, Jews, traditionalists and non-believers is afflicted with pain, it affects the rest of us. When we afflict great sections of our people with pain, it will be felt by the nation for “no one is free until all are free!”
All of us, Muslims, Christians, Jews, traditionalists and non-believers in Ethiopia can forgive, we are in a better position to contribute to the future rather than becoming stuck in hate and anger. As a country, this is our plight. We seem to all be recovering from some bitter wrongs in the past.
We must advocate for a different future. As each of us makes a decision this day, choose to contribute and resist the evil plan of the TPLF/EPRDF that can lead to the destruction of our beloved country. Fear God/Allah and resist evil! May we seek God’s/Allah’s comfort, strength and guidance in the difficult path ahead of us.
I am appealing to each of you to forward it to all your friends. If you do, you will not just be giving a voice to our beautiful people, but you would be doing justice. Knowing the truth is overcoming the first obstacle to freedom!
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Amnesty International says Ethiopian authorities have been using anti-terror laws as a pretext to arrest and silence politicians and journalists who criticize government policies.
In a report released Friday, the human rights group said at least 114 opposition politicians and six journalists have been arrested since March.
Amnesty said, in many cases, calls for peaceful protests or attempts to conduct investigative journalism have been interpreted as acts of terrorism or other criminal wrongdoing.
While journalists and politicians in Ethiopia have been subject to arrests in the past, the report said the recent increase in terror charges represents “a new level of repression” in the government’s efforts to stifle political dissent.
Amnesty also criticized several senior Ethiopian government officials, including Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, for making public comments that imply that all terror suspects are guilty. The group says it does not believe they will receive a fair trial.
Ethiopia’s broad anti-terrorism laws went into effect earlier this year. Activists have complained the new provisions have led to a new wave of politically-motivated arrests that have netted dozens of journalists and prominent opposition politicians.
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